The "humane security" of the Petro Government: between the possible and the impossible
The newly elected president wants to transform the approach to the Colombian conflict, but can he overcome considerable security challenges to do so?
The new president of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, has held office less than a month, and he has already made substantial progress on national security issues that mark a significant break from the past, but some analysts have doubts about his ability to bring his ambitious plans to fruition. This week Petro announced an end to government eradication of coca crops as well as permanent ban on aerial spraying with glyphosate, a potent herbicide that had devastating ecological and social impacts the last time it was used in Colombia. He also announced an end to bombings of camps maintained by criminal armed groups where minors are present. according to statements by the Minister of Defense, Ivan Velasquez.
Although reform of armed forces and their aggressive “war on drugs” tactics, which have demonstrably failed in recent years, are an encouraging first step, can Petro implement these reforms and still manage the considerable security challenges faced by the Colombian government? And can a country which over nearly half a century of civil war fully embraced the military doctrine of an “internal enemy”, an anti-insurgency position with its roots in the cold war that has led to Colombian citizens being viewed as “enemies of the state”, be so easily reformed?
Petro has also promised investments in conflict zones that have long been ignored by the Colombian state, but he will have to balance security concerns in those regions as long-awaited social programs are rolled out.
“What happens with rising violence, and crime, while the government strives to improve education, employment, and health policies?” says Jorge Mantilla, of the Ideas for Peace Foundation. “It is a question of how the administration will implement security in the meantime. Achieving human security takes time and it is not clear what security measures or strategies will be implemented from here to there.”
In addition to changes in security policy, the new president is betting that new appointments by his administration are capable of carrying out deep reforms to the country's Armed Forces, which have been involved in numerous scandals involving violations of human rights. Such as the “False Positives”, which consisted of soldiers killing innocent civilians and claiming they were guerrillas to inflate casualty reports during the civil war.
Petro has proposed changes in military leadership in favor of soldiers who are not linked to human rights scandals, and mandated that all members of the armed forces undergo human rights training. Experts point out that it will be difficult for the president to find soldiers with the necessary leadership experience that have no link to abuses of civil rights.
The lack of military leadership without links to abuses against civil society speaks to the magnitude of how difficult reform will be — a widespread culture of impunity developed over decades within military ranks long accustomed to unconditional support from right wing administrations.
In an attempt to curtail this deeply ingrained culture, Petro has announced penalties for military commanders who are unable to carry out their duties of protecting the communities in which they serve. “Massacres committed in the jurisdictions of military and police commands will affect the careers of the commanders responsible [for those regions].”
In addition to obstacles within the government itself, Petro finds himself in the midst of an armed conflict that has changed considerably since Colombia signed its historic Peace Accord with the FARC in 2016.
The illegal armed groups are not the same as 5 years ago. Structures, territorial control and its actions have mutated and in many cases, have become atomized, and broken into hundreds of small independent groups. The International Committee of the Red Cross records six separate armed conflicts at the same time in Colombia.
“Colombia is going through a humanitarian crisis that demands immediate action,” says Mantilla. But if there are no “concrete dissuasive security actions” carried out by security forces, it will be “very difficult for other state agencies or programs to implement investment programs in a meaningful way,” he explained.
Oft-repeated slogans such as "total peace" and "human security", that have so far dominated the administration's discourse, contain few actual policy details. Some key decisions have been made, such as an end to coca eradication and bombings, but the communities that suffer the rigor of this ongoing war first hand deserve detailed security measures designed to stop the cycle of violence that has plagued them for decades.
Hand in hand with measures such as peace talks with the ELN, the largest remaining rebel group in Colombia, security measures are necessary to contain the growth of other criminal structures, especially those linked to drug trafficking. Although it is early and the will to transform the scenarios of the fight against drugs, the security doctrine, meanwhile there is a crisis feeding in the corners of the country.
One month after the inauguration of the first progressive government in the country, Colombian society remains in a state of doubt and alert, and supporters of the Petro administration have sky-high expectations that will be difficult to fulfill.
Every week the decisions, appointments and new actions of President Gustavo Petro seem to lead the country in a direction more focused on protecting human rights, but more details are needed. His promises to implement "a humane security policy measured in lives", runs against traditional counterinsurgency tactics and deeply ingrained attitudes on the Colombian conflict that were popularized by former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez, and who still holds considerable influence among lawmakers.
The Duque administration plunged Colombia further into conflict, and there is no clear route out of the quagmire. Nor are there legislative bills in process that address worsening security. Concrete steps have been taken however towards restarting talks with insurgent groups such as the National Liberation Army; a possible amnesty policy for the Clan del Golfo. and justice roadmaps for peace processes other criminal groups. And steps are clearly in motion to reform how Colombia approaches internal conflict. A comprehensive transformation of how security is handled in Colombia seems to be on the horizon, but details remain fuzzy. The country voted for real peace. It’s now up to Petro to navigate countless pitfalls, both political and logistical, in implementing it.
Hola Piratas!
The crew has been sailing the seas of journalism all week. And the spoils of our international piracy have been sweet. Mostly it’s pastries. We do so love pastries.
Below we’ve got the details, the big stories this week, and the special features that caught our eye.
Read on! And thanks as always for the support!
The big headlines in Latam:
The Argentine Federal Police (PFA) seized today at dawn 1,658 kilos of cocaine that were camouflaged in bags of corn pellets, in the city of Rosario. They say the final destination of the shipment was Dubai.
As part of the raid authorities also seized automatic weapons and vehicles that had been modified with false compartments for smuggling purposes. The PFA said it was “one of the most important operations in the history of the organization,” and was carried out with the help of U.S authorities.
Colombia and Venezuela have begun bilateral talks on re-opening their borders, which have been closed since 2019. The power of armed criminal groups on both sides of the border has grown dramatically since the closure, putting both migrants and residents at risk. For those who live and work in the borderlands, a final deal can’t come soon enough. The Petro administration hopes to have a final framework in place within 60 days.
What we’re reading:
This brilliant longform Rolling Stone piece by Daniel Avaringa explores the rollout of Bitcoin in El Salvador as a national currency one year on, and the result has not been good. Facing increasing criticism, Bukele has taken measures to persecute critics directly, and relying increasingly on BitCoin advocates outside the country for support. Meanwhile, the country is likely to default on upcoming payments to the IMF, and few El Salvadoreans are using BTC at all.
What we’re writing:
Daniela published pieces at El Pais on the tragic finale of indigenous groups who fled to Bogotá from conflict in other regions. The groups have faced prosecution from police, seperation, and are now housed in shelter that were meant to be temporary under deteriorating health and sanitary conditions.
She also published this longform piece on the stigmatization of people with HIV in Colombia, both socially and institutionally as part of Colombia’s public health system.
Amy described for the Independent what it is like to live under a 70% inflation rate in Argentina titled “This is how to cope with economic insecurity”.
Spanish word of the week:
Chimba! This word means a lot of things, and some of those meanings have oppossing definitions. It can mean “shitty”, but it can also mean “amazing!” or “super cool!” depending on context. To make matters even more confusing, it can also mean “pretty” or “attractive”, when used to refer to a person. But it can also mean “what a terrible fucking person.” The Colombian dictionary defines its standard meaning as “vagina”. Foreigners should probably try to avoid using the phrase at all, as it can lead to some very dangerous misunderstandings.
La seguridad humana del Gobierno Petro: entre lo posible y lo imposible
Las apuestas más grandes del recien electo presidente es la transformación de cómo el país ha venido manejando su doctrina de seguridad. ¿Lo logrará?
El nuevo presidente de Colombia, Gustavo Petro, apenas va a cumplir un mes desde la posesión en el cargo, pero los anuncios hecho hasta el momento en materia de seguridad nacional marcan un cambio de paradigma y amplian las dudas sobre la capacidad para llevar a cabo sus ambiciosos planes. Solo esta semana se anunció que la erradicación de cultivos de uso ilícito vía aspersión área con glifosato quedaban suspendidos, como quedan detenidos los bombardeos a campamentos de grupos ilegales donde se tuviese información de presencia de menores de edad, de acuerdo a declaraciones del Ministro de Defensa, Iván Velasquez.
Aunque el panorama parece alentador, la duda está sembrada: ¿son posibles planes ambiciosos en cuatro años? En especial en un país que tiene la doctrina del enemigo interno tan arraigada en su aparato gubernamental y fuerzas militares. ”
Petro también ha prometido inversiones en zonas de conflicto que durante mucho tiempo han sido ignoradas por el estado colombiano, pero también tendrá que equilibrar las preocupaciones de seguridad en esas regiones.
“Qué pasa con la violencia, el crimen y los delitos mientras el gobierno logra mejorar las política de educación, empleo y salud,” dice Jorge Mantilla, de Fundación Ideas para la Paz. “Es un problema de - mientras tanto -. Alcanzar la seguridad humana toma tiempo y no es claro las medidas o estrategias de seguridad que se implementarán de aquí a allá”.
Además de medidas de caracter legislativo, el nuevo mandatario le está apostando a renover el personal que se encargaría de llevar estas medidas, de forma particular en las Fuerzas Armadas del país que han estado involucradas en numerosos escándalos por la violación reiterada de los derechos humanos. Tal es el caso de los “Falsos Positivos”, que consistió en que militares asesinaban inocentes para hacerlos pasar por guerrilleros y demostrar avances en su ofensiva contrainsurgente.Es por esto que Petro se ha propuesto cambiar las cúpulas militares para que durante su administración sean integradas por militares que no estén ligados a escándalos y que tengan una hoja de vida con formación de DIH y DIDH. Una labor necesaria para las transformaciones que tiene en mente, pero difícil para la realidad del país. Según varios medios nacionales al presidente le estaría costando encontrar militares que tengan una hoja de vida desligada de estos crímenes. Lo que habla de los obstáculos de diferentes magnitudes a los que se enfrenta, pero además de cómo la violencia estructural y sin respeto por los derechos mínimos ha permeado estas instancias.
Al respecto, Petro se refierió en tu tuit: “La comisión de masacres y su impunidad en jusrisdicciones de mandos militares y policiales afectará la hoja de vida de los mandos
adicional a estos obstáculos dentro del mismo gobierno Petro se encuentra con un conflicto armado reconfigurado y agudizado. Los grupos armados ilegales no son los mismos que hace 5 años. Sus estructuras, el control territorial y su accionar ha mutado y en muchas casos, se han atomizado. El Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja hablaba de más de seis conflictos armados al mismo tiempo en Colombia
“Colombia atraviesa por una crisis humanitaria que demanda acciones inmediatas. Mientras no existan acciones concretas de disuasión acompañados de planes de intervención territorial diferenciadas será muy difícil que otras agencias o programas del estado puedan llegar a esos lugares e implementar programas de manera sostenible”, asegura, Mantilla.
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Propuestas muy repetidos como "paz total" y "seguridad humana", que hasta ahora han dominado el discurso de la administración, contienen pocos detalles de política reales. Se han tomado algunas decisiones clave, como el fin de la erradicación de la coca y los bombardeos, pero las comunidades que sufren el rigor de esta guerra en curso merecen medidas de seguridad detalladas diseñadas para detener el ciclo de violencia que las ha asolado durante décadas.
De la mano de medidas como los diálogos de paz con el ELN, parecen ser necesarias medidas de seguridad que contengan el crecimiento de otras estructuras criminales, en especial, las ligadas al narcotráfico. Si bien es pronto , la voluntad de transformar los escenarios de lucha contra las drogas y la doctrina de seguridad son fundamentales, entre tanto hay una crisis alimentandose en los rincones del país.
A un mes de la posesión del primer gobierno de corte progresista en el país, la sociedad colombiana sigue en un estado dubitativo y alerta, con expectativas muy altas. Cada semana las decisiones, los nombramientos y las nuevas acciones del presidente Gustavo Petro parecen encaminar al país en un rumbo más orientado a la protección de los derechos humanos, pero sin detalle del cómo se logrará. El eslogan de su apuesta: “Por una seguridad humana que se mida en vidas”, se contrapone políticas que en su práctica privilegiaron la lucha contrainsurgente más tradicional, como la «seguridad democrática» del expresidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez.
Teniendo en cuenta empalme final con el gobierno saliendo, no hay Jonás de ruta clara. Tampoco hay proyectos de ley respecto a este tema en trámite. Lo único tácito se refiere a reiniciar diálogos con grupos insurgentes como el Ejército de Liberación Nacional; una eventual política de beneficios el Clan del Golfo; plan de acogimiento de la justicia que se plantea para otros grupos criminales. Y uno de los más claves: la reorientación de indicadores de éxito de las fuerzas militares. Por ahora, una transformación integral de la seguridad en Colombia parece avizorarse en el horizonte, pero sigue siendo gaseosa en medio de un país que votó exigiendo una paz que realmente impacte sus vidas